Historie Podcasts

23.9.2016 Netanyahu og Abbas to meget forskellige taler - Historie

23.9.2016 Netanyahu og Abbas to meget forskellige taler - Historie

Taler holdt af premierminister Benjamin Netanyahu og den palæstinensiske myndigheds præsident Mahmoud Abbas torsdag i FN opsummerer tilstanden i de israelsk-palæstinensiske forbindelser-Under ledelse af Abbas er palæstinenserne for svage til at slutte fred, og Israel er for stærk til at have brug for at gøre nogen indrømmelser for at nå fred. Netanyahu udtalte stolt:

”I dag har Israel diplomatiske forbindelser med over 160 lande. Det er næsten det dobbelte af det antal, vi havde, da jeg tjente her som Israels ambassadør for omkring 30 år siden. Og disse bånd bliver bredere og dybere for hver dag ... På grund af vores uovertrufne erfaring og dokumenterede evner til at bekæmpe terrorisme, søger mange af dine regeringer vores hjælp til at beskytte dine lande.

Mange søger også at drage fordel af Israels opfindsomhed inden for landbrug, sundhed, vand, cyber og sammensmeltning af big data, konnektivitet og kunstig intelligens - den fusion, der ændrer vores verden på enhver måde. ”

Det var tonen i meget af Netanyahus generelt opløftende adresse; derimod til Abbas, der sagde:

”Her skal jeg endnu en gang appellere til dig om at yde international beskyttelse til det palæstinensiske folk, der har været under besættelse siden 1967 på Vestbredden, herunder Østjerusalem, og Gazastriben. Hvis du ikke sikrer os beskyttelse, hvem vil så gøre det?

Abbas tog senere ud på en mærkelig, men sigende, tangent:

”Ved udgangen af ​​det kommende år vil der være 100 år siden Balfour-erklæringen, 70 år siden det palæstinensiske folks Al-Nakba og 50 år siden Israel besatte Vestbredden, herunder Østjerusalem, og Gazastriben.

Ja, der er gået 100 år siden den berygtede Balfour -erklæring, hvorved Storbritannien uden nogen ret, autoritet eller samtykke fra nogen gav landet Palæstina til et andet folk. Dette banede vejen for palæstinensernes Nakba og deres bortskaffelse og fordrivelse fra deres land. Som om dette ikke var nok, fortolkede det britiske mandat denne erklæring til politikker og foranstaltninger, der bidrog til at begå de mest afskyelige forbrydelser mod et fredeligt folk i deres eget land, et folk, der aldrig angreb nogen eller deltog i en krig mod nogen. ”

Bortset fra de forskellige historiske unøjagtigheder i Abbas 'udsagn, dens optagethed af historiske klager, afspejler den palæstinensiske tankegang akut og forklarer, hvorfor denne konflikt virker så uløselig.

I aftes, ved middagen, fortalte en ven, der netop kom tilbage fra Balkan, en sørgelig historie om børn, der ikke trygt kan gå i skole, fordi deres slægtning dræbte slægtninge til en rivaliserende klan for tre generationer siden. Denne dystre anekdote mindede mig om palæstinenserne, der ikke er i stand til at gøre indrømmelser, der kan føre til fred, da de fortsat overvældes af opfattede historiske overtrædelser begået mod dem - hvilket har været tilfældet under hele konflikten. Den første arabisk-israelske krig fandt sted, fordi araberne/palæstinenserne var besat af deres opfattede rettigheder. De var ikke villige eller kunne acceptere virkeligheden. De accepterede ikke delingen eller en jødisk stat i en del af Palæstina.

Som et resultat vandt Israel krigen, og Jordan annekterede Vestbredden. Dette forbliver historien i dag - Israel er et stærkt vestligt land, hvis økonomi er blandt de stærkeste i Vesten; mens palæstinensere har en fattig protostat i Gaza, der lever af bistand; og en række kantoner på Vestbredden, hvor palæstinenserne bevarer begrænset suverænitet. Abbas er en 81-årig leder, uden valglig legitimitet; Netanyahu er blevet valgt fire gange og står i spidsen for en stærk koalition af mennesker, der for det meste deler hans ideologiske synspunkter.

Det er ikke at sige, at Israel eller Netanyahu er skyldfri. Der kan ikke være tvivl om, at Israels politik med at etablere bosættelser på hele Vestbredden har gjort det vanskeligere at nå frem til en fredsaftale - og eksistensen af ​​jødiske bosættelser, der skal forsvares tæt på palæstinensiske befolkningscentre, har gjort det palæstinensiske liv mere besværligt.

Netanyahus tale indeholdt et nyt element (ud over dets optimistiske positivitet). Netanyahu opfordrede Abbas til at stoppe med at tale over det israelske folks hoveder og komme til Jerusalem for at tale ved Knesset. Egyptens præsident Anwar Sadat forstod det israelske folks psykologi. Da Sadat kom til Israel og henvendte sig til Knesset og frimodigt erklærede: "INGEN MERE krig", afsluttede han effektivt israelsk-ægyptiske krige. Det tog tid at forhandle detaljerne, men efter den tale var israelere villige til at trække sig tilbage fra hver tomme af Sinai til gengæld for fred.

Hvis Abbas accepterer Netanyahus udfordring og holder en tale, der proklamerer - Vi afslutter vores krigstilstand med Israel, accepterer delingsplanen fra 1947 med modificerede grænser og accepterer en monetær kompensationsløsning for flygtningene - ville konflikten ende. Der ville være dem på israelsk side, der ville gøre deres bedste for at stoppe enhver tilbagetrækning (tro at Gud gav dette land til Israel, og det er derfor en synd at trække sig tilbage fra noget af det.) Men i dag er israelere, der har den ideologi er stadig i mindretal. Om fem eller ti år, hvem ved, hvad situationen bliver.

Når det er sagt, da Sadat holdt sin berømte tale, var han leder for den største arabiske stat og blev opfattet som at have kæmpet Israel til stilstand i krigen i 1973. Han havde gravitas og personlig statur til at afslutte konflikten, på egen hånd. Abbas, der aldrig har haft den status, Arafat nød, er ikke i stand til at holde sådan en tale - selvom han ville gøre det. Så nu ser det ud til, at israelere og palæstinenserne er bestemt til at fortsætte deres torturerede forhold.

Dette er en tragedie for begge sider, men mere for palæstinenserne. Palæstinenserne er langt den svagere part. De har set deres ene styrke (dvs. international støtte) glide væk, da verden bekymrer sig om mere presserende problemer - og Israel, som Netanyahu sagde, er en vigtig allieret i kampen for at bekæmpe disse katastrofer.

For Israel er tragedien mere subtil, men ikke mindre potent. Halvtreds års utilsigtet besættelse har skadet det israelske samfund. Men efter at have trukket sig tilbage fra Libanon og Gaza, kun for at se spærringer af missiler gentagne gange affyret mod israelske befolkningscentre, foretrækker de fleste israelere den skade, besættelsen har foretaget, frem for den fare, enhver yderligere tilbagetrækning kan medføre.

Verden er gået videre fra det israelsk-palæstinensiske problem. Verden kan ikke løse konflikten for disse to parter - hvilket betyder, at kun israelere og palæstinensere kan opnå det. Desværre er ingen af ​​parterne klar.

Obama Netanyahu 30/09/2013

Netanyahu beskylder Abbas for at sprede ‘blod injurier ’ i EU -tale, der tjener stående bifald

JERUSALEM (JTA) — Israels premierminister, Benjamin Netanyahu, anklagede den palæstinensiske myndigheds præsident, Mahmoud Abbas, for at have spredt en blodige injurier i sin tale torsdag til Europa -Parlamentet i Bruxelles.

I talen, der fik et stående bifald fra parlamentsrepræsentanter, påstod Abbas, at israelske rabbinere i denne uge opfordrede til forgiftning af palæstinensisk vand, en rapport, som han ikke gav nogen henvisning til, og som gentager middelalderlige antisemitiske injurier.

"Israelerne gør også dette ... visse rabbinere i Israel har meget klart sagt til deres regering, at vores vand skal forgiftes for at få palæstinensere dræbt," sagde han.

Han bebrejdede også global terror på Israels kontrol over Vestbredden og det østlige Jerusalem.

Amerikanske jødiske grupper afviste også hans bemærkninger.

Abbas henviste muligvis til en nylig rapport i det statslige tyrkiske pressebureau Anadolu, krediteret en palæstinensisk reporter i Ramallah, der hævdede, at en rabbiner på Vestbredden afgav en “rådgivende udtalelse ”, der tillod jødiske nybyggere at forgifte palæstinensisk vand. Hverken rabbineren i historien eller den organisation, han beskrives som repræsentant, ser ud til at eksistere.

Tidligere samme dag nægtede Abbas et møde med Israels præsident, Reuven Rivlin, som parlamentets præsident havde tilbudt at arrangere, mens Abbas og Rivlin var i Bruxelles.

"En, der nægter at mødes med præsidenten og premierminister Netanyahu til direkte forhandlinger, som udbreder en blod injurier i Europa -Parlamentet, lyver, når han siger, at hans hånd er udstrakt i fred," sagde en erklæring udsendt af premierministeren og#8217s Kontor.

”Israel venter den dag, hvor Abu Mazen holder op med at sprede løgne og beskæftige sig med tilskyndelse. Indtil da vil Israel fortsat forsvare sig mod palæstinensisk tilskyndelse, som motiverer terrorangreb. ”

Abu Mazen er et alternativt æresnavn for Abbas, der i sin tale hævdede: "Når besættelsen ender, vil terrorismen forsvinde, der vil ikke være mere terrorisme i Mellemøsten eller andre steder i verden."

Den amerikanske jødiske komitees administrerende direktør David Harris kaldte Abbas den store misbilligelse i en erklæring, der fordømte PA -lederens bemærkninger.

I stedet for at vende tilbage til direkte fredsforhandlinger med Israel, misbrugte Abbas en international platform til at levere endnu en tirade fuld af invektiver og usandheder mod Israel, ” Harris sagde.

“Abbas ’s ondsindede angreb modsiger ethvert forsøg, han gjorde for verbalt at give en hånd til fred. Faktisk holdt Abbas beviseligt sin hånd tilbage både ved sine bemærkninger og ved at afvise en E.U. anmode ham om at mødes med præsident Rivlin.

Harris beskrev også som “ absurd ” Abbas ’ erklæring om, at global terrorisme vil forsvinde “ når besættelsen slutter. ”

Jonathan Greenblatt, administrerende direktør for Anti-Defamation League, sagde i en erklæring, at Abbas spredte påstande om interesse i forsoning med Israel med basale påstande mod den jødiske stat, der minder om ældgamle antisemitiske stereotyper. &# 8221

“ Desværre er konspiratorisk tilskyndelse fra Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed ikke ny. Hans anklager om en israelsk indsats for at forgifte palæstinensisk vand og påstande om, at Israel fungerer som roden til terrorisme verden over, er særligt foruroligende og betydningsfulde, ” i ADL -erklæringen.

Med bemærkning om stående bifald tilføjede Greenblatt: “Hvordan kan Israel se Europa som en ærlig mægler, når dets folkevalgte bifalder en tale fyldt med løgne og fejlkarakteriseringer? ”

Den europæiske jødiske kongres opfordrede europæiske ledere til at fordømme talen.

"Det er utroværdigt, at en udenlandsk leder stolt udtaler en blodige injurier i Europa -Parlamentet, og han modtager en stående applaus," sagde Dr. Moshe Kantor, EJC's præsident. »Hvis en højreekstrem politiker ville have fremsat lignende kommentarer, ville de være blevet diskrediteret korrekt, men Abbas er feteret som en helt, og denne dobbeltmoral gør det muligt for ham at undgå undersøgelse på den internationale arena og forhandlingsbordet.

”I en kort tale mindede Abbas verden om, at han ikke har nogen interesse i fred, fortsætter med at anspore mod jøder og Israel og bruger den forståelige frygt for terror til at skinne mod Israel og score politiske point. Det eneste spørgsmål, der er tilbage, handler om det internationale samfunds reaktion på en så ondsindet og ondsindet tale. ”

Abbas nægtede et møde med Rivlin, som parlamentets præsident, Martin Schultz, havde tilbudt at arrangere og mægle. Rivlin sagde, at han bød mødet velkommen, og “ var meget ked af at høre om Abbas ’ afvisning.


23.9.2016 Netanyahu og Abbas to meget forskellige taler - Historie

Netop fordi han har et koldere syn på internationale anliggender end Obama, har Netanyahus ledelse gjort Israel stærkere end nogensinde.

P eter Baker bemærker noget vigtigt i sin afsendelse i morges: ved årets UNGA er Israel/Palæstina -spørgsmålet ikke længere centrum for opmærksomheden. Fra New York Times:

De indtog scenen, den ene efter den anden, to aldrende skuespillere i et langvarigt drama, der er begyndt at miste sit publikum. Da de israelske og palæstinensiske ledere torsdag reciterede deres replikker i den store sal på FN's generalforsamling, genkendte mange på orkestersæderne manuskriptet.

"Heinous forbrydelser," anklagede Mahmoud Abbas, den palæstinensiske præsident. "Historisk katastrofe."

"Fanatisme", imødegjorde Benjamin Netanyahu, den israelske premierminister. "Umenneskelighed."

Hr. Abbas og hr. Netanyahu har været ved dette så længe, ​​at de mellem dem har talt til verdensorganet 19 gange hvert år, hvor de kaldte, foredrog, advarede og skyldfældede det internationale samfund til at se deres side af den blodige kamp mellem deres to folk. Deres taler er fyldt med klage og stritter med harme, da de indkalder historiens spøgelser fra hundreder og endda tusinder af år siden for at komme med deres sag.

Mens hvert år finder et nyt twist, ofte nuanceret, nogle gange brændende, har argumentet kørt længe nok til, at verden er begyndt at komme videre. Hvor den israelsk-palæstinensiske konflikt engang dominerede FN's årlige møde, er det i år blevet et sideshow, da Netanyahu og Abbas konkurrerer om opmærksomhed mod tilsyneladende mere presserende kriser som borgerkrigen i Syrien og truslen fra den Islamiske Stat.

Baker (og formodentlig mange af hans læsere) går ikke videre til det næste, indlysende spørgsmål: Hvad fortæller dette os om de involverede lederes relative succes eller fiasko? Værket præsenterer både Netanyahu og Abbas som irrelevante. De plejede at styre verdensscenen, men nu er ingen interesseret i deres uendelige skænderi.

Hvad stykket ikke siger, er, at denne situation er præcis, hvad Israel ønsker, og er et frygteligt nederlag for palæstinenserne. Abbas er den, hvis strategi afhænger af at holde det palæstinensiske emne forrest og centralt i verdenspolitik Bibi ønsker, at spørgsmålet stille og roligt forsvinder. Det, vi så i FN i denne uge, er, at uanset hvor meget Abbas og palæstinenserne ’ mange sympatisører måtte protestere, bevæger begivenheder sig i Bibis retning.

Der er måske kun en ting sværere for det amerikanske sind at behandle end det faktum, at præsident Obama har været en frygtelig udenrigspolitisk præsident, og det er, at Bibi Netanyahu er en ekstraordinært succesrig israelsk premierminister. I Asien, i Afrika, i Latinamerika bevæger Israels diplomati sig fra styrke til styrke. Stort set alle arabiske og mellemøstlige ledere mener, at Bibi er klogere og stærkere end præsident Obama, og efterhånden som amerikansk prestige i hele Mellemøsten er aftaget under Obama, er Israels prestige - selv blandt mennesker, der hader det - vokset. Bibis nulstilling med Rusland, i modsætning til Obamas, virkede faktisk. Hans omdrejningspunkt i Asien har været mere vellykket end Obamas. Han har haft langt mere succes med at bygge broer til sunnimuslimer end præsident Obama, og både Rusland og Iran tager Bibi og hans røde linjer meget mere alvorligt, end de tager Obamas udsagn og fromme forhåbninger.

Grunden til, at Bibi har haft større succes end Obama, er, at Bibi forstår, hvordan verden fungerer bedre, end Obama gør. Bibi mener, at i den barske verden af ​​international politik brugte magten klogt mere end gode hensigter, som var veltalende formuleret. Obama søgte at bygge broer til sunnimuslimer ved at holde veltalende taler i Kairo og Istanbul, mens han ignorerede de magtpolitiske virkeligheder, som sunnimuslimske stater interesserede sig mest for - som fremkomsten af ​​Iran og den sunnimæssige sag i Syrien. Bibi læste sunnierne mere klart end Obama, værdien af ​​israelsk magt til en sunnimuslimsk verden bekymret for Iran har ført til noget tæt på en revolution i Israels regionale position. Igen troede Obama, at det ville hjælpe amerikansk diplomati og demokrati i Mellemøsten at nå ud til Det Muslimske Broderskab (herunder dets palæstinensiske tilknyttede selskab, Hamas). Bibi forstod, at sunnimuslimske stater som Egypten og dets saudiske allierede ville have Hamas knust. Da Obama således forsøgte at afslutte Gaza -krigen på vilkår, der var acceptable for Hamas og dets allierede, nød Bibi støtte fra både Egypten og Saudi -Arabien i en vellykket indsats for at blokere Obamas indsats. Israels naboer kan ikke lide Bibi, men de tror, ​​at de kan regne med ham. De synes måske, at Obama har nogle smukke ideer, som han bekymrer sig dybt om, men de synes, at han er utilregnelig, upålidelig og ikke forstår hverken dem eller deres bekymringer.

Obama er en håbefuld realist, der ønskede at arbejde med udemokratiske ledere om praktiske aftaler. Men Obama, på trods af den enorme magt i det land, han leder, har ikke været i stand til at få den nødvendige respekt fra ledere som Putin og Xi, der ville tillade de pragmatiske relationer, han ønskede at opbygge. Bibi er en praktiserende realist, der er lykkedes, hvor Obama mislykkedes. Bibi har et praktisk forhold til Putin, de arbejder sammen, hvor deres interesser tillader det, og hvor deres interesser støder sammen, Putin respekterer Bibis røde linjer. Obamas omdrejningspunkt i Asien bragte USA tættere på Indien og Japan, men har åbnet et dybt og farligt skel med Kina. Under Bibis ledelse har Israel stærkere og dybere forhold til Indien, Kina og Japan end på noget tidspunkt tidligere, og Asien kan meget vel erstatte Europa som Israels primære handels- og investeringspartnere, efterhånden som disse relationer udvikler sig.

Marginaliseringen af ​​Abbas i FN afspejler ikke bare verdens optagethed af større kriser i nabolaget. Det afspejler en global opfattelse af, at a) de sunnimuslimske arabiske stater generelt er mindre magtfulde, end de plejer at være, og at b) dels som følge af deres forværrede situation, at de sunnimuslimske arabiske stater er mindre bekymrede over det palæstinensiske spørgsmål, end de plejer. Det er derfor, at afrikanske lande, der plejede at undgå Israel som følge af arabisk pres, nu er glade for at engagere sig med Israel om forskellige økonomiske og forsvarsspørgsmål. Indien undgik tidligere Israel delvis af frygt for, at sit eget Kashmir -problem ville blive 'palæstinensiseret' til et stort problem med sine arabiske naboer og den tredje verden. Selv Japan og Kina var forsigtige med at omfavne Israel for offentligt i betragtning af den arabiske verdens magt og dens betydning både i energimarkedernes verden og i den ikke -tilpassede bevægelse. Ikke længere.

Uundgåeligt undergraver alle disse udviklinger det palæstinensiske spørgsmåls fremtrædende betydning for verdenspolitik og endda for arabisk politik, og de styrker Israels position i regionen og videre. Obama har aldrig rigtig forstået, at Netanyahu har baseret sin strategi på det. Ironisk nok skyldes meget af tilbagegangen i arabisk magt udviklingen i USA. Fracking har ændret OPECs dynamik, og Obamas tilt mod Iran har fremskyndet krisen med sunnimuslimsk magt. Netanyahu forstår virkningen af ​​Obamas land og Obamas politik på Mellemøsten bedre end Obama gør. Bibi har ligesom en række andre ledere rundt om i verden været i stand til at opnå betydelige internationale gevinster ved at udnytte hullerne i præsident Obamas forståelse af verden og ved at analysere måder at drage fordel af de utilsigtede konsekvenser og bivirkninger af Obama -politikker, der ikke ' t arbejde som Obama håbede.

Bibis succeser vil og kan ikke få Israels problemer og udfordringer til at forsvinde. Og at finde en brugbar løsning på det palæstinensiske spørgsmål er stadig noget, som Israel ikke kan ignorere på både praktiske og moralske grunde. Men Israel er i en stærkere global position i dag, end det var da Bibi tiltrådte, ingen kan sige det med et lige ansigt om den nation, som præsident Obama leder. Når og hvis amerikanske liberale forstår årsagerne til både Bibis succeser og Obamas tilbageslag, så kan måske en ny og smartere æra af amerikansk udenrigspolitisk debat begynde.


Trump og Netanyahu 2016 AIPAC-taler var forløbere for 2020 israelsk-arabiske fredsaftaler

Abraham Accords: Talerne fra 2016 fra de to ledere præsenterede en vision, der stort set er blevet realiseret under Trumps embedsperiode.

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Fredsaftalerne – Abrahamsaftalerne – indgået mellem Israel og forskellige arabiske og muslimske nationer i de seneste måneder virkede utænkelige for fem år siden, eller helt ærligt, endda for fem måneder siden.

For længe blev arabisk og muslimsk fjendskab mod Israel tolereret, hvis ikke opmuntret, i den diplomatiske verden. Der var tilsyneladende ingen drivkraft til at ændre status quo.

Tidligere på ugen, da han skrev i Newsweek, undrede Seth Frantzmann sig over ændringerne og bemærkede, at Israels isolation blev accepteret for længe:

Accept af isolation af Israel og sletning af jødisk historie i Mellemøsten har været et åbent sår, der ramte hele regionen. Det skulle aldrig være sket. Israel og nogle arabiske lande kæmpede en krig i 1948, og der er legitime grunde til, at palæstinensere og deres tilhængere modsatte sig Israels politik. Men lignende frygtelige krige, som f.eks. Mellem Indien og Pakistan i 1948, resulterede ikke i, at snesevis af lande ikke anerkendte Indien eller foregav, at hinduer ikke eksisterer. Normalisering og tilstedeværelsen af ​​diplomatiske forbindelser er de mest basale geopolitiske normer i hele verden. Alligevel accepterede så mange politikere, som den tidligere amerikanske udenrigsminister John Kerry, der pressede på for at engagere sig med Iran, blindt det faktum, at så mange lande ikke normaliserede båndene til Israel.

Måske kunne Israels normalisering med en række af sine naboer ikke være blevet forudsagt. Men det var i overensstemmelse med visionerne om to mænd tilbage til marts 2016, da de begge talte til AIPAC's politiske konference. Disse mænd er Donald Trump og Benjamin Netanyahu.

Trump var dengang en berømthedsforretningsmand på vej til at fange den republikanske nominering til præsident. Netanyahu var i sit syvende år og tredje periode i træk i sin anden periode som Israels premierminister. Det var et år siden, Netanyahu havde talt foran kongressen i opposition til den atomaftale, der dengang blev forhandlet.

Der var forskellige dele af talerne, der fangede min opmærksomhed dengang. Men genlæsning af dem nu og fordelen ved næsten fem års historie i bakspejlet havde Trump og Netanyahu komplementære visioner. Måske forudså de ikke Israels normalisering, der rent faktisk ville finde sted, men de erkendte klart, at betingelserne eksisterede eller kunne skabes for at realisere dette mål.

Den del af Trump ’s tale, der fangede min opmærksomhed, var denne:

Når du lever i et samfund, hvor brandmændene er heltene, vil små børn gerne være brandmænd. Når du lever i et samfund, hvor atleter og filmstjerner er heltene, vil små børn gerne være atleter og filmstjerner.

I det palæstinensiske samfund er heltene dem, der myrder jøder. Vi kan ikke lade dette fortsætte. Vi kan ikke lade dette ske længere.

Du kan ikke opnå fred, hvis terrorister behandles som martyrer. Forherligelse af terrorister er en enorm barriere for fred.

I stedet for at give palæstinensiske klager over uretfærdighed forrang, sagde Trump, at de var nødt til at vise, at de var klar til fred. Dette var ikke bare en retorisk pointe, det var en politik, han førte.

Kritikere af Trump ’s Mellemøstpolitik siger, at han forlod palæstinenserne. I sandhed opfordrede han dem til at købe sig ind i hans plan. Han krævede også, at de stoppede med at tilskynde til terror. På begge punkter nægtede de.

Trump lovede også at flytte USA's ambassade til Jerusalem. Det var et løfte, han holdt.

I sin tale gennemgik kandidaten også kortfattet det palæstinensiske afslag på at slutte fred i løbet af de foregående seksten år og sluttede den historie med, “Når jeg bliver præsident, slutter dagene med at behandle Israel som en andenrangs borger på dag ét. ” Det var en bemærkelsesværdig vending fra præsident Obama ’s rapporterede løfte om at lægge mere “daylight ” mellem USA og Israel.

Mere generelt fordømte Trump FN og sagde, at FN ikke er en ven af ​​demokrati, frihed eller USA og “it er bestemt ikke en ven til Israel. ” Han kritiserede også tanken om at få FN at påtvinge en løsning på konflikten mellem Israel og palæstinenserne. Han opfordrede snarere til at indgå en aftale mellem de to parter. Trump ødelagde også atomaftalen med Iran.

Men det vigtige er, at Trump forsvarede Israel unapologetisk. En del af grunden til, at De Forenede Arabiske Emirater, Bahrain, Sudan og Marokko har indgået aftaler med Israel, er fordi de så, at USA fuldt ud støttede Israel.

Netanyahu's tale dækkede på samme måde en masse underlag, og den var meget mindre omstridt. Selv da han huskede sine uoverensstemmelser med Obama -administrationen, gentog Netanyahu den stærke alliance med USA og støtte Israel fik fra administrationen. Men den del af det, der virkelig skilte mig ud, var dette:

For det første den positive tendens: Hver dag lander delegationer på højt niveau i Ben-Gurion lufthavn. De kommer fra Amerika. De kommer fra Europa, i stigende grad kommer de fra Asien, fra Afrika, fra Latinamerika. Da mange af dem konfronterer fremkomsten af ​​militant islam og dens ledsagende terrorisme, kommer de til Israel for at styrke deres sikkerhed. De ønsker at lære af Israels dokumenterede sikkerheds- og efterretningskapaciteter, hvordan de bedre kan beskytte deres eget folk.

Men de kommer også til Israel, fordi de vil opgradere deres økonomier med Israels teknologi. Og med god grund: Israels knowhow driver strøm til verdens computere, navigerer i dets biler og beskytter sine bankkonti. Det førte til gennembrud i behandlingen af ​​multipel sklerose, Parkinsons, Alzheimers og#8217s. Det hjælper landmænd rundt om i verden med at producere flere afgrøder, producere mere mælk, spare mere vand, så af alle disse grunde kommer verden til Israel. I dag har vi diplomatiske forbindelser med 161 lande - mere end på noget tidspunkt i vores historie. Og i øvrigt er der ikke så mange lande tilbage. Der er kun omkring 200 lande i verden.

Jeg var klar over, hvad Netanyahu talte om, men jeg delte ikke hans optimisme om fremtiden. Men selvom jeg på det tidspunkt var i tvivl, var det, da Israel var ved at gøre diplomatiske indtog i Afrika, og snart kunne Netanyahus prale af, at Israel var godt på vej til at opnå diplomatiske forbindelser med resten af ​​verden virkede ikke så brutal .

Vi kender muligvis ikke alle de faktorer, der førte til aftalerne. Jeg tror, ​​at ikke en lille del af det var den delte iranske trussel. Yossi Cohen, leder af Mossad, spionagenturet, der afslørede atomarkivet i Iran, var en af ​​de centrale personer, der var involveret i diplomatiet. Haviv Rettig Gur fra Times of Israel hævdede imidlertid for nylig, at det var mere end Iran: UAE og de andre nationer, der sluttede fred med Israel, vil lære, hvad der har gjort Israel til en succes.

Uanset hvad, når der sker noget historisk, sker det, fordi muligheder er skabt eller eksisterer, og at de aktører, der får det til at ske, indser det. Jeg ved ikke, om enten Trump eller Netanyahu havde nogen formodning om de aftaler, Israel ville indgå i løbet af de næste fire et halvt år, men de begge på forskellige måder viste en forståelse for, at muligheden for Israel kunne være mere accepteret diplomatisk var der. Men disse aftaler ville sandsynligvis ikke være sket uden dem.


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Abbas i FN: Palæstinensere vil forelægge Sikkerhedsrådets resolution mod israelske bosættelser

Nok er det lettere og mere naturligt at forlade med et smil, når din mappe ikke indeholder en illustration af en atombombe med en sikring eller luftfotografier af dødslejre eller billeder af en Qassam -raket gemt i en Gazan -børnehave.

Men for en person, der i de foregående år syntes at have forelsket sig i rollen som vred profet, whistle-blower og bærer af dårlige nyheder, var forandringen helt sikkert forfriskende. Fra svoret pessimist og kronisk seer af mørket blev han en utrættelig optimist - så meget, at han blev revet med og sammenlignede sig med tidligere præsident Shimon Peres.

Netanyahu gik så langt som til at åbne sin tale med et optimistisk budskab om bedre dage forude - rosenrøde og hjertevarme - for Israel på den fjendtlige diplomatiske arena, som aldrig har behandlet det retfærdigt. Disse passager var fyldt for stærkt med udtryk for elendighed, offer og selvmedlidenhed. Denne stil nåede sit apogee, da taleren udtrykte sin noget falske overraskelse over bifaldet, der afbrød ham: “Vedvarende bifald til Israels premierminister i generalforsamlingen? Forandringen kommer måske hurtigere, end jeg troede, ”brokkede han charmerende.

De anklager, han fremsatte mod FN - om adfærd fra nogle af dets organisationer - var bestemt passende. Han gav dem en undervisningstime. Og israelerne derhjemme elskede at høre det. Hans angreb på den palæstinensiske præsident Mahmoud Abbas, der talte kort før ham, var måske det mest berettigede: Abbas krav om, at Storbritannien straks skulle undskylde Balfour -erklæringen, der lovede det jødiske folk en stat, var vildledt og latterligt. Det svar, han led af Netanyahu, der foreslog, at han ville anlægge en gruppesøgsmål mod Abraham, var et bullseye.

Det er næsten overflødigt at sige, at talen var fremragende, at Netanyahu er en fremragende taler, at ordene flød fra hans læber som dugdråber fra en kold flaske øl.

Forestillingen gentager sig hvert år, men der er aldrig noget stof. Torsdag trak Netanyahu endnu en kanin op af hatten, da han vendte sig direkte til Abbas og inviterede ham til at tale med Knesset i Jerusalem og foreslog, at han selv skulle tale til det palæstinensiske parlament i Ramallah.

Et dejligt PR -stunt - hvis chancer for at ske naturligvis er næsten nul. Netanyahu meddelte, at Israel glæder sig over "ånden i det arabiske fredsinitiativ" (sandsynligvis den del, der taler om fred med alle arabiske nationer) og talte entusiastisk om dybe ændringer i de arabiske nationers holdning til Israel. Han opfordrede FN til at komme til fornuft og handle som dem, forstå, at Israel ikke er fjenden, men en partner i kampen mod militant islam og den iranske vanvid.

The blame game between Israeli and Palestinian leaders has been the norm at these UN speeches over the past seven years, the Netanyahu-Abbas era. It is exhausting, depressing and frustrating — except for those Israelis who are encouraged by the fact that, even at the end of this round of speeches, an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians has not shifted even an millimeter closer, and the risk of further conflict didn’t move an inch, either.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. President Barack Obama meet in New York, September 21, 2016. Kevin Lamarque/Reuters


Netanyahu Ready to Go to Paris ‘Tomorrow’ for Direct 2-State Talks with Abbas

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday met with his French counterpart Manuel Valls in Jerusalem, and the two issued a joint statement dealing with the common goals of Israel and France as well as the solution to the Israeli-Arab conflict which would include two states for two peoples.

“Although we disagree as to the best way to reach peace, I appreciate your commitment to seek peace,” Netanyahu told Valls. “I know how important it is for you to bring an end to the terrible violence that has been taking place in our region for too long, and I wish to thank you and President Hollande for your commitment to peace.”

Referring to the French peace initiative which is expected to take place in Paris in a week and a half without direct involvement of the two sides in the conflict, Netanyahu insisted that the only way to reach peace is through direct negotiations with the PA Arabs. “In a direct negotiation the Palestinian leadership would be forced to face a clear choice, and the choice is simple — recognize the Jewish State or continue to educate their people that some day Israel will disappear,” Netanyahu said. “And I urge you not to allow the Palestinian leadership to evade this tough choice.”

Netanyahu told Valls that he would be ready to embrace a French initiative if it would include direct negotiations between himself and the Chairman of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas. “Every problematic issue will be on the negotiating table — mutual recognition, incitement, borders, refugee, as well as the settlements,” Netanyahu promised. “I’m ready to clear my schedule and fly to Paris tomorrow. Actually, I believe tomorrow we’re expanding the government, but the day after. And this is an open-ended offer. I’ll clear my agenda. And I hope you and the Palestinians will agree.”

Netanyahu also addressed the French vote last month at UNESCO, in favor of a resolution that referred to the Temple Mount and the Western Wall by their Arab names only and rejected any Jewish “claim” on the history of the holy sites. He congratulated Valls on his apology over the matter and his admission that it had been a mistake.

Prime Minister Valls promised to pass Netanyahu’s offer regarding the peace negotiations to President Hollande. “We are in favor of anything that would contribute to the peace,” Valls said. “We can discuss it, and we will make all the necessary clarifications. The discussion, I’m certain, will be most direct. But don’t doubt for one minute our will to do whatever is possible for peace, our commitment and my personal commitment in the fight against anti-Semitism, and the complete and unequivocal certainty that the Jewish roots of Jerusalem are completely indisputable.”


Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Speech at the AIPAC Policy Conference 2016

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, today (Tuesday, 22 March 2006), delivered the following speech (via satellite feed) to the AIPAC Policy Conference:

“Good morning, America. Good morning, AIPAC.And a special good morning to the 4,000 students who are cutting class today to be with AIPAC in Washington. Greetings to all of you from Jerusalem.

I first want to send my condolences to the families of those murdered in today’s terrorist attacks in Brussels. The chain of attacks from Paris to San Bernardino to Istanbul to the Ivory Coast and now to Brussels, and the daily attacks in Israel – this is one continuous assault on all of us. In all these cases the terrorists have no resolvable grievances. It’s not as if we could offer them Brussels, or Istanbul, or California, or even the West Bank. That won’t satisfy their grievances. Because what they seek is our utter destruction and their total domination. Their basic demand is that we should simply disappear. Well, my friends, that’s not going to happen. The only way to defeat these terrorists is to join together and fight them together. That’s how we’ll defeat terrorism – with political unity and with moral clarity. I think we have that in abundance.

And I want to thank today the leadership of AIPAC and each and every one of you. I thank you for the tremendous support you’ve provided Israel over so many years. I thank you for the clear and unequivocal stand you took last year during the nuclear Iran deal debate, a debate critical for Israel’s security.And that debate, though intense, did not undermine the unbreakable alliance between Israel and the United States.

As part of that great alliance, America has generously provided Israel with many of the tools we need to defend ourselves.We are now working on a new agreement to help bolster Israel’s security in the years to come. I hope we can conclude that agreement soon. And I take this opportunity once again to thank President Obama for his support, including for ballistic missile defense. Israel deeply appreciates it, and we also deeply appreciate the strong bipartisan support for Israel in Congress and the strong, overwhelming support for Israel among the American people. Year after year, the overwhelming majority of Americans stand with Israel. They know something profound, that stands out for all to see today. They know that Israel is an island of liberty and democracy, that Israel must never be an issue that divides Americans, but a great cause of liberty that unites Americans.

My friends ,two weeks ago, I visited Yodfat in northern Israel .It was there, 2,000 years ago, that the Romans began their military campaign against the Jews. I’m holding in my hand right now an exact replica of an arrow found at Yodfat – one of thousands used by the Romans in their war to crush Jewish independence.Yet two millennia later, the Jewish people are once again free and sovereign in our ancient homeland. And in rebuilding our land, our state, our economy, our army, our science, our culture, we’ve achieved remarkable successes. But it’s true we also face great challenges. We are in fact today witnessing two contradictory trends.

First, the positive trend: Every day high-level delegations land at Ben-Gurion Airport. They come from America. They come from Europe.Increasingly they come from Asia, from Africa, from Latin America. As many of them confront the rise of militant Islam and its accompanying terrorism, they come to Israel to strengthen their security. They wish to learn from Israel’s proven security and intelligence capabilities how to better protect their own people.

But they also come to Israel because they want to upgrade their economies with Israel’s technology. And for good reason: Israel’s know-how is powering the world’s computers, navigating its cars, protecting its bank accounts. It’s led to breakthroughs in treating Multiple Sclerosis, Parkinson’s, Alzheimer’s. It helps farmers around the world yield more crops, produce more milk, conserve more water.So, for all these reasons, the world is coming to Israel. Today we have diplomatic relations with 161 countries – more than at any time in our history. And by the way, there are not that many countries left. There are only about 200 countries in the world.

But alongside this positive trend, there is a second, negative trend. While Israel is embraced by a growing number of individual nations, there are those who seek to malign Israel among the nations, and especially in the United Nations. At the UN, Israel, the Middle East’s only true democracy, is slandered like no other country on earth. At the UN, Israel is subjected to consistent, systematic discrimination. Only Israel is permanently scheduled for condemnation at the UN Human Rights Council – not Iran, not Syria, not North Korea. Only Israel is hounded by UN bodies expressly established to delegitimize its very existence. Only Israel is condemned every year by 20 hostile resolutions in the UN General Assembly. The UN, my friends, has a shameful record of singling out Israel for castigation and condemnation. So I have a question for you. Why would anyone think that the UN could decide on a fair and secure peace for Israel?

Yet amazingly, there are some who believe exactly that. They seek to impose terms on Israel in the UN Security Council. And those terms would undoubtedly be stacked against us. They always are. So such an effort in the UN would only convince the Palestinians that they can stab their way to a state.Mind you, not a state next to Israel, but a state instead of Israel. A Security Council resolution to pressure Israel would further harden Palestinian positions, and thereby it could actually kill the chances of peace for many, many years. And that is why I hope the United States will maintain its longstanding position to reject such a UN resolution.

I was glad to hear the presidential candidates from both parties reaffirm this basic principle. Peace won’t come through UN Security Council resolutions, but through direct negotiations between the parties.

The best formula for achieving peace remains two states for two peoples, in which a demilitarized Palestinian state finally recognizes the Jewish state.Now, I know there’s some skepticism about my views on this. So let me state unequivocally, and here’s the acid test: I am ready to begin such negotiations immediately, without preconditions, anytime, anywhere. That’s a fact. But President Abbas is not ready to do so. That’s also a fact. There is political will here in Jerusalem. There’s no political will there in Ramallah.

For the last five-and-a-half years, President Abbas has refused to sit down and talk with me even for a minute.But that doesn’t mean he’s been silent. He has helped inculcate a new generation of young Palestinians with murderous hatred for Israel.And my friends, this incitement has deadly consequences. Palestinian children are taught to stab Jews. They are taught that the goal of the Palestinian people is not to establish a state on the West Bank, but in all of Israel – in Akko, Haifa, Nazareth, Jaffa.

Now, what I’m about to show you is deeply disturbing. I think you have to see for yourselves what the Palestinians are teaching their children. I want you to see the daily Pledge of Allegiance of Palestinian children. Tag et kig.

This is sick. It’s inexcusable. My friends, that little girl wasn’t born hating. She was taught to hate, as were the Palestinians who murdered the American student Taylor Force, and other American citizens in recent months. You’ve already heard what an impressive young man Taylor was, but President Abbas’s Fatah movement praised Taylor’s killer as – and I quote this – as “a hero and a martyr”. Now, that’s not from Hamas that’s coming from Abbas. And now the Palestinians will spur even more terrorism by rewarding the families of murderers – including those who murdered Americans – with a regular monthly payment.

So the message they send to Palestinians is clear: terrorism pays – literally.

If the international community really wants to advance peace, it must demand that the Palestinians stop poisoning the minds of their children. If the international community wants to advance peace, it must address the true core of the conflict: the persistent Palestinian refusal to accept a Jewish state in any borders.

So there’s bad news, but there’s also some good news. While the Palestinians are stuck in their refusal to make peace, others are moving forward. First, Israel’s peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan have weathered many storms. Second, increasingly our other neighbors recognize that we have common interests. They understand that we face the same threats from Iran and from ISIS. Now, I can tell you from a perspective of my lifetime: This is a historic change. I believe it offers a unique opportunity to advance peace. And we are working every day to seize that opportunity.

I am confident that over time the trend of embracing Israel will overcome the trend of maligning Israel, because ultimately freedom beats tyranny, and ultimately, when vigorously defended, truth beats lies. So I believe that Israel faces a future of promise. I believe that when we stand together, all of us, we can overcome all the challenges facing us.

And of these challenges, none is greater than Iran’s unrelenting aggression.Iran remains fully committed to genocide – our genocide. Its leaders loudly, openly, even proudly, they say and proclaim that their goal is to destroy Israel.Iran sends deadly weapons to Hezbollah in Lebanon against us. It bankrolls Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Gaza against us.It seeks to open a new terror front on the Golan against us.And it offers thousands of dollars for each Palestinian terror attacks against us.

So here’s what I believe: I believe that both those who supported the nuclear deal and those who opposed it can, at the very least, work together to stop Iran’s aggression and terror and hold Iran accountable for its transgressions.

Since the nuclear deal, Iran has continued to conduct ballistic missile tests, in defiance of its international obligations.As you’ve heard, Iran recently fired a ballistic missile with a Hebrew inscription painted on it. It said, ‘Israel must be wiped out’.So ladies and gentlemen, the writing is not on the wall it’s on the missile.

Now my friends, an arrow just like this was shot by a Roman soldier at Yodfat.He was fighting to end Jewish independence once and for all.But imperial Rome is long goneand I am speaking to you today from our capital, Jerusalem, as the Prime Minister of the reborn Jewish state.We have restored our independence. We have restored our capacity to defend ourselves. Iran should learn this history and it should have no illusions.Israel will defend itself mightily against all those who seek to destroy us.And Iran should remember that today it’s not only the enemies of the Jewish people who have arrows.Today, the Jewish state can defend itself with powerful arrows of our own. Tag et kig.

The Arrow missile defense system is the product of Americans and Israelis working together. So I want to say again to all of you: Thank you America. Thank you AIPAC. Thank you for helping secure our common future, and a happy Purim to all of you. Thank you.”


Benjamin Netanyahu Administration: Remarks With Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta in Jerusalem on February 23, 2016. The two leaders signed a joint statement on water that focuses on cooperation on water and agricultural issues and establishes a joint bilateral committee. After the signing, they met privately and then held an expanded meeting in which they and their delegations discussed security and the fight against terrorism as well as bilateral cooperation on - inter alia - cyber, energy, agriculture, water, irrigation and public health issues. This was the first visit of a Kenyan President to Israel since 1994.

Prime Minister Netanyahu

Mr. President, It's a pleasure to welcome you and your colleagues to Jerusalem. This is your first visit to Israel as the President of Kenya.

We have had a remarkable relationship between our two peoples. It's a partnership that dates back over half a century. Your father, Jomo Kenyatta, is the founding father of the Kenyan nation, and the leader of your country's struggle for independence. He was also the architect of the friendship between Israel and Kenya. He demonstrated that friendship most dramatically 40 years ago in helping Israel in the raid in Entebbe to rescue our hostages. This is something that has left a deep imprint on Israel. The people of Israel are grateful for that. And I'm personally grateful for that.

We have since developed our relationship in so many areas and it's a growing relationship. We speak regularly on the phone. We try in many ways to improve our relationship and bring it to new heights in so many areas.

The first area is a battle, our common battle against militant Islamic terrorism. Both our peoples have suffered at the hand of these, at the hands of these brutal terrorists. We have no illusions about them. They want to murder our people and we know that this is a common battle that we share with you and we're prepared to do a great deal more. In fact, Israel is willing and prepared to work with African countries in our common battle against militant Islamic terrorism. I have to say that more and more African countries recognizes what you recognize - that Israel is a unique partner against this extremism, that Israel is a unique partner in the way that we can work together to seize the opportunities of the future. And we're going to discuss these opportunities and these challenges today and what we do in security, and what we do in agriculture, and what we do in water and irrigation and technology in every field that touches our national life. Israel is prepared to work with Kenya and the countries of Africa. And I want to say that you are, in many ways, leading this direction. And I welcome that not merely in the context of our relationship with Kenya but in our relationship with the countries of Africa. Israel is coming back to Africa and Africa is coming back to Israel.

And we can have no better leader showing the way than President Kenyatta of Kenya. So I welcome you in that spirit to Israel and I look forward to our discussions.

Kenyan President Kenyatta

Prime Minister, may I just say first and foremost thank you on my own behalf and on behalf of my delegation for the very warm welcome that we've received since we arrived here in Jerusalem yesterday evening. And to say that for us this is a historic visit, as you have just mentioned. The strong partnership between Kenya and Israel stems all the way back to our independence, actually prior to our independence given the fact that your government made formal communication even to my own father while he was still actually on the house arrest.

With the spirit of us working together, we are both countries have had to struggle for our independence, we have fought for our independence and as such we value the issues of sovereignty, of independence and for the right to self-determination. We are founded on strong principles of democracy, strong principles of freedom of expression, principles of freedom of religious expression and I think this brings us together in many ways.

Equally, as I have said before, we both live in challenging neighborhoods with similar security concerns and the cooperation between our two governments since the time of our independence has been formidable and we look forward that this particular trip will strengthen those ties even further.

We have no room for extremism, we must do everything that we can to protect the freedoms and the beliefs and the principles and the common values that we share and we look forward to further strengthening our cooperation in the security area. We look forward to partnering with you and with the rest of the world in combatting violent extremism and all this in order to be able to give our people the freedoms necessary to be able to enjoy a prosperous, stable, free society. So, I am looking forward to engaging with you and your government in these ends as well as further deepening our cooperation in agriculture, as you said, in irrigation, in water management and the experiences that Israel itself has had as well as information technology where we in Kenya can learn a lot from your own particular experiences.

So Prime Minister on my own behalf, on behalf of my delegation, I thank you for the welcome. We have enjoyed our stay so far and I am looking forward to some very fruitful deliberations that will see a further deepening of the partnership and relationship between not only Kenya and Israel but also the strengthening of the partnership between Kenya, I mean - Israel and Africa. So once again, thank you for the welcome.

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Is Netanyahu really finished? Is someone with only 7 seats really going to become prime minister? Did a Muslim Brotherhood party really agree to join Israel’s government? If this new government rises to power, is that good or bad?

DUBAI, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES—It was strange, I will admit, to be in an Arab country while the biggest day in Israeli politics in a generation unfolded back home.

Indeed, yesterday was the Super Bowl of Israeli politics.

The Knesset voted to elect a new President – Isaac “Bougie” Herzog – for a seven-year term.

Meanwhile, the leaders of the opposition informed the current President Reuven Rivlin that they have formed a new government after four rounds of elections in two years, no state budget and ongoing political chaos and confusion.

Yet, Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett only called Rivlin minutes before their mandate expired at midnight.

And only after a day of intense – some might say “brutal" – negotiations between eight opposition parties who have very little in common with each other except that they want to remove Netanyahu from power.

All the while Netanyahu and his allies were doing everything they possibly could to stop, or at least slow down, their opponents from driving them out of power.

You thought the fireworks over Trump and Biden over the past year were intense?

That’s nothing compared to Israeli politics, which are truly a blood sport.

But what does all of it mean?

I’m getting questions from Evangelicals all over the world.

Let me try to answer some of them as best I can.

QUESTION: Is Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu really finished?

SVAR: No, not yet. Let’s be honest. He’s in grave danger. But remember, Netanyahu is a shrewd political cat. You don’t become the longest-serving prime minister in the modern history of Israel without knowing how to engage in full metal jacket political combat. Or without having a few tricks up your sleeve.

At this point, I would not count Bibi out. Yes, many Israelis hate him. But he is still the most popular politician in Israel. His party, Likud, is still the biggest with 30 seats, almost double that of his main rival, Yair Lapid, whose Yesh Atid party has 17 seats.

And keep in mind that the coalition that Lapid and Bennett have formed is a hodgepodge of right-wing, centrist, and left-wing parties that have almost nothing in common with each other, as well as an Arab party that has never participated in an Israeli government before.

These are not people who are used to working with each other. Some of them deeply despise each other’s ideologies.

So this whole thing could blow apart at any moment.

That’s what Netanyahu and his allies will work toward, and it very well could happen.

QUESTION: Is someone with only seven seats in the Knesset really going to become the prime minister of Israel?

ANSWER: Maybe.

Naftali Bennett and his Yamina party only have seven seats – but actually, only five of his colleagues want to join this government. One says he will vote against it.

Never in Israeli history has the leader of a party with so few seats ever become premier.

The reason it could happen is that Lapid, with 17 seats, knows he cannot form a government without Bennett’s help.

Lapid, a centrist, also knows that Israel has become a center-right country, politically.

Thus, he could not depend only on centrist and left-wing parties to oust Netanyahu and bring about change.

He urgently needed right-wing parties.

That’s why Bennett became widely known as the “kingmaker” during the recent campaign, because everyone realized Lapid could never become king without Bennett’s help.

But now the kingmaker is poised to become the king.

To persuade Bennett to abandon Bibi and his right-wing allies, Lapid offered Bennett the opportunity to become prime minister for the first two years of their term, while Lapid would serve as Foreign Minister.

Then the two will switch roles after two years.

Bennett would have preferred to form a right-wing government with Netanyahu, despite his immense and growing frustrations with Netanyahu.

But Netanyahu could not persuade enough parties to join him to form an actual government.

So Bennett decided to take Lapid’s offer to prevent the country from being forced into a fifth round of elections.

QUESTION: Did a Muslim Brotherhood party really just agree to join an Israeli government?

ANSWER: Ja.

Ra’am is an Islamist party of Arab citizens of Israel.

Led by Mansour Abbas, it only has four seats in the Knesset, but yes, it is aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood.

Yet, as ALL ISRAEL NEWS has reported, Abbas is charting a very different path for his party.

He has denounced Arab violence against Jews, and Jewish violence against Arabs.

He is urging Israeli Arabs to become active in Israeli politics in order to get more funding for Arab cities and education, more police protection to fight crime in Arab cities, and so forth.

Not all Israeli Arabs agree with the direction Abbas is going. Indeed, most of his fellow Arab Knesset members are actively opposed to what he is doing.

But on Wednesday night, just minutes before the deadline, he signed on the dotted line and agreed to help form the next Israeli government to remove Netanyahu from power and make the right-wing Naftali Bennett the next prime minister.

Can this experiment work? Abbas may be fully committed to this move, but are the other three members of his party? Will they hold up under intense media and public pressure from Arabs who believe they should remain in opposition to every Zionist government, and those who cannot stand Bennett, saying he is more right-wing than Bibi?

To be clear, I have concerns about Abbas. I’m glad he wants to play a more constructive role and help his people. Store. Maybe he really is changing for the better. But he has said some pretty extreme things in the past. He has not exactly been a force for peace in the past. Just one example: Last year, Abbas voted mod ratifying the Abraham Accords, normalizing relations with the UAE (where I am now), Bahrain, and others. Hvorfor?

That said, it is not exactly fair for Netanyahu and his allies to attack Bennett, Lapid and the “change government” for embracing Abbas.

Trods alt, it was Netanyahu who first courted Abbas and tried to form a government with him.

Abbas was interested, and engaged in numerous talks with Bibi and his colleagues.

In the end, however, it was Bibi’s far right-wing political allies – led by Bezalel Smotrich – who refused to ever work side-by-side with Arabs.

So what will happen next? We will have to stay tuned.

QUESTION: If this change really happens, and this government is really formed, and Netanyahu is really removed from power, is that a good thing or bad?

ANSWER: First of all, that’s a whole lot of “ifs.”

I would recommend we wait to see what really happens.

If there is a new government, we can assess it honestly. And we can examine why Netanyahu lost his grip on power.

But we are simply not there yet.

First, I am not ready to write a political obituary for Netanyahu – there are just too many possible twists and turns in this story ahead.

Second, we need to see what the principles and the policies of the new government would be. What agreements have they actually signed? What would be their agenda? We know what the individual leaders and parties stand for, but we don’t know what this government stands for. Let’s wait to learn more before we decide.

Third, it should be noted that there is nothing immoral or fundamentally unwise about forming a government with centrist and left-wing parties. Netanyahu himself has formed numerous governments over the years with such parties. Bibi makes it sound like Yair Lapid is some kind of crazed, leftist, socialist, anti-Christ. But Bibi has brought Lapid into his government in the past and made him finance minister. So, keep in mind we are hearing a good deal of political hyperbole right now.

Fourth, one more thing should be noted: Evangelical Christians are going to have real and understandable concerns about this new government. Evangelicals have watched Netanyahu for three decades and despite his flaws and mistakes have come to deeply trust and respect him. Few Evangelicals have ever heard of Lapid or Bennett. They know little or nothing about these men, or their allies, and thus do not have respect and trust for them. Can it be earned? Ja. But it will take time.

For now, I would urge Christians to pray for the Lord’s will to be done, and for God to grant wisdom and mercy to whoever leads Israel’s next government.

Please also pray for the physical protection of Israel’s leaders, their families and their staffs.

Bennett and his ally, Ayelet Shaked, are particularly getting many death threats against them from far-right extremists who believe they have been betrayed.


Netanyahu: Israel Ready To Make Painful Concessions Palestinians Must, Too

Vice President Joe Biden and House Speaker John Boehner watch as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses lawmakers at the Capitol on Tuesday.

Saul Loeb /AFP/Getty Images

Many eyes were on Congress this morning as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed a joint meeting of the House and Senate.

His speech came on the heels of the very public disagreement the Israeli leader has had with President Obama over whether Israel's pre-1967 war borders should be the basis (assuming there will also be mutually agreed-upon land swaps) for peace talks with the Palestinians.

We updated this post with highlights from Netanyahu's address. Be sure to hit your "refresh" button to see our latest additions.

Update at 12:08 p.m. ET. At The End, Shades Of Reagan:

In a line that will remind many of President Reagan's "Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall" quote, as he approaches the end of his address Netanyahu says to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas: "tear up your pact with Hamas. Sit down and negotiate. Make peace with the Jewish state."

Update at 12:05 p.m. ET. On Palestinian Efforts At The U.N.:

Turning to a bid by Palestinian leaders to get the U.N. to recognize a Palestinian state, Netanyahu says it must be "forcefully opposed" by those who want peace.

"Peace cannot be imposed, it must be negotiated," he says.

Update at 12:03 p.m. ET. Israel's Small Size Requires 'Unique Security Arrangements':

"Israel needs unique security arrangements because of its unique size," Netanyahu says. Turing to Vice President Biden, he says, "I'll grant you this. It's bigger than Delaware. It's even bigger than Rhode Island. But that's about it."

That small size, he says, requires that any future Palestinian state be demilitarized.

Update at noon ET. Jerusalem:

"As for Jerusalem, only a democratic Israel has protected the freedom of worship for all faiths in the city," Netanyahu says. "Jerusalem must never again be divided. Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel."

Update at 11:57 a.m. ET. On The '67 Borders:

"As President Obama said," Netanyahu continues, Israel's borders after any peace agreement "will be different" than they were before the 1967 war.

With that reference, he's focusing on Obama's statement that the '67 borders — with mutually agreed upon land swaps — should be the basis of peace talks.

Update at 11:56 a.m. ET. With Acceptance Of Israel, Compromise Can Follow:

If Palestinian leaders accept and endorse the right of Israel to exist, Netanyahu says, he will support significant compromises on Israel's part.

Update at 11:55 a.m. ET. Why Hasn't There Been A Peace Pact?

The reason a peace agreement hasn't been struck between Israel and the Palestinians, says Netanyahu, is that the other side is "unwilling to accept a Palestinian state if it meant accepting a Jewish state alongside it."

It is time for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to stand before his people and say "I will accept a Jewish state," Netanyahu says.

Update at 11:50 a.m. ET. Palestinians Deserve A Home:

Saying that the region is also the historical home for Palestinians, Netanyahu says he is committed to establishing a Palestinian state.

Update at 11:47 a.m. ET. Turning To The Peace Process:

"We must . find a way to forge a lasting peace with the Palestinians," says Netanyahu, and that will mean "painful concessions" on Israel's part that include ceding some places that are part of the Jewish homelands.

Update at 11:45 a.m. ET. Quest For Peace Will Continue:

"We must take calls for our destruction seriously," Netanyahu says. "We are a nation that rose from the ashes of the Holocaust. When we say 'never again,' we mean 'never again!' "

And while "Israel always reserves the right to defend itself," he continues, "we'll never give up our quest for peace . until we achieve it."

Update at 11:43 a.m. ET. How To Deal With Iran:

"The more Iran believes that all options are on the table, the less the chance for confrontation," says Netanyahu.

Update at 11:41 a.m. ET. Thanks For America's Support Regarding Iran:

"In much of the international community calls for our destruction are met with utter silence," Netanyahu says. "Many rush to condemn Israel for defending itself. . Not you. Not America."

Update at 11:38 a.m. ET. Iran:

"Powerful forces" oppose freedom in the Middle East and Israel's existence, Netanyahu says, and "foremost among these forces is Iran."

He warns that "time is running out. The hinge of history may soon turn. . The greatest danger of all could soon be upon us: a militant Islamic regime armed with nuclear weapons."

And Iran is working on missiles, Netanyahu says, that could deliver a nuclear weapon to Washington.

Update at 11:36 a.m. ET. Israel Is What Is Right:

Making the case that it's only in Israel where Arab citizens have democratic rights, Netanyahu declares that "Israel is not what is wrong about the Middle East, Israel is what is right about the Middle East."

Update at 11:35 a.m. ET. On The Arab Spring:

Referring to events in North Africa and the Mideast and the efforts by people there to promote democracy and reform, Netanyahu says that true freedom only comes when "governments permit protests in town squares . and when human rights cannot be crushed by tribal loyalties or mob rule."

Update at 11:31 a.m. ET. Thank You To Obama:

Shortly before the disruption, Netanyahu thanked President Obama for his "steadfast commitment to Israel's security."

Update at 11:29 a.m. ET. Disruption:

There was just a brief disruption when someone started shouting from the gallery. Lawmakers quickly drowned out the protester. And Netanyahu said "this is real democracy," to more cheers.

Update at 11:27 a.m. ET. "Good Riddance!" To bin Laden:

To a rousing ovation, Netanyahu says "congratulations Mr. President, you got bin Laden! Good riddance!"

Update at 11:25 a.m. ET. "No Better Friend":

"Israel has no better friend than America and America has no better friend than Israel!" Netanyahu declares.

Update at 11:24 a.m. ET. A Little Joke At The Start:

Referring to Vice President Biden, Netanyahu asks "Mr. Vice President do you remember the time when we were the new kids in town?" Biden laughed and did the sign of the cross.